Sunday, December 5, 2010

A soliloquy on Guns, Gun Control, and Cold Dead Hands

A soliloquy on Guns, Gun Control, and Cold Dead Hands.

It started with a sign in a shop window in a little hamlet in the mountains near where I live.  I had stopped to pick up several cups of coffee for my friends back at the cabin we were renovating.  The shop was a general store, a relic of an earlier time before specialization.  One section carried basic groceries and supplies – bread, milk, cold cut, soap and toilet paper.  Another was set aside as a small restaurant serving breakfast and lunch.  A third carried camping and fishing supplies.  The fourth sold guns and ammunition.

Written in white shoe polish on one picture window was the message: “Obama will take your guns away; stock up now.”  “Get your ammo while you still can.”

The message in the second window linked the newly-elected president to Nazism, echoing the message of a series of blogs circulating on the internet.  The words made me uncomfortable.  It was more than just that I didn’t agree with the sentiments they expressed. It was the tone of the message; a warning, a call to arms – literally.

 I was suddenly afraid that the people in this area might think of me as an enemy, for reasons I couldn’t fathom.  I wished them no harm; indeed, I didn’t even know them.  But in my heart of hearts, I disagreed with them about the wisdom of universal gun ownership.

Charlton Heston’s widely quoted statement warning the government, and anyone else who promoted gun control, unconsciously held within it its own counter-argument – guns are deadly.   I'll give you my gun when you take it from my cold, dead hands,” he warned.  At that extreme, one might have to kill him in order to get his gun – or be killed in the attempt.  This was – and is - not my idea of a good civic engagement.

Nervously, I went in to get the coffee.  The waitress with the faded blond hair and tobacco-roughened voice welcomed me warmly; a 30-something counterman with a gentle smile and a wiry young stock boy both nodded in greeting.  Who were these people?    Why did they hate the brand new president who seemed to me to be trying to create a more peaceful world? Why did they feel so strongly about owning guns and ammunition?

To me, the evils of guns seemed so obvious: the young honor student shot to death on a Chicago street; the old woman gunned down in an urban tenement hallway, the little girl shot through the window of her bedroom.  These were all-too-frequent indicators of gun ownership gone wild.  The greater danger, it seemed to me, was the proliferation of guns and ammo, not their regulation.

I reminded myself that in this area I was the outsider.  Clearly, my new neighbors had a different view.  To them the Second Amendment was a major, if not the major, guarantee of their freedom, and they intended to defend it. To paraphrase Dorothy, I wasn’t in suburbia any more.  My dislike of firearms was decidedly the minority view here.  I had better tread softly, or at least keep my thoughts to myself.

But it was more than just the politics.  Somewhere in this there was a very important cultural dissonance, and it suddenly seemed important to me to understand it.  Why did it matter so much – on both sides of the issue?  People of good will clearly held widely divergent opinions, and were willing to go public with them.

For one thing, the geography is different.  As the merchandise in the gun shop attested, the people of the area were hunters and their hunting was more than merely sport.  They were rural folk whose livelihoods were largely seasonal.  Their hunting is more than merely sport; it was a portion of their daily work. They rely on game to provide them with meat to get them through the long winters when outdoor work dries up and seasonal work has left with the summer people. 

In the city, at least until very recently, work is annual.  One has a job and does it weekly, monthly, and yearly.  Meat in the city is available all year long – provided one has the job and the income it provides.  Taking a gun out to hunt in the city would yield a very different and largely inedible breed of animal.
The space here is different too.  Suburban homes require some form of greenery to shield one family from the eyes of my neighbors, here, people were often miles from their neighbors and even more miles from the public services that city folk take for granted.  Police, fire, ambulance, and road plowing, even garbage disposal, were miles away, if available at all. A power outage can render them totally isolated and vulnerable.   Hungry bears or malevolent intruders are dangers to be warded off single-handedly.  A gun was beginning to look far less ominous; the opposition to gun control, more logical.

On the other hand, the folk wisdom of isolated rural areas is no more universally valid than that of the city dwellers who live with the horrors of drive-by shootings, or for that matter, anyone who has dealt with the results of youngsters playing with their fathers’ “unloaded” guns. 

Accidental shootings are not restricted to urban areas.  Hunting season often gives rise to cases like that of a little girl shot by a hunter through the walls of her mobile home.  Her family grieved her no less seriously because they too owned guns.  Where can we find the right balance?  Is it even possible?

And then there is the rhetoric of anger and hate.  Despite my new understanding of the need for guns in rural areas, I still found the Hitler allusions on the shop window not only unpleasant, but frightening.  People, especially those who lives demand more self-sufficiency, are more readily aroused when their way of life is - or appears to be – under threat.

Images from old movies, in which the ‘villagers’ march on the castle carrying torches and pikes, flitted through my mind.  A media that repeatedly tells us that we are under siege from some mammoth government powers can only intensify this tendency.  Similarly, a spiral of silence on the opposition side intensifies when a large number of gun-wielding countrymen hold a position and hold it loudly, and no one dares to offer an alternative opinion.

The people in that little store wished me no harm, and, no doubt if they were to meet him, would wish President Obama no harm.  Yet their windows reminded me that my ideas were more than a little alien in this environment.

I longed for a dialogue with them.  I wanted a personal understanding free from Internet slogans and radio sound bites, from the ranting on the right and the carping on the left.  I wanted to hear all their thoughts about guns, and I wanted them to listen to mine.  I wanted a conversation in which we could open each other’s eyes to the problems we face, rather than blind us to each other’s humanity.  But I was afraid to begin the discussion.
Perhaps we can someday reach a time when there are more than two sides to the issue, and when the third side is the voice of reason.

 “Why do you want to own a gun?”  “Because in the dead of winter, when food is hard to come by, I can feed my family.”
“Why do you fear guns?”  “Because in the dead of night, the sound of gunfire in the streets reminds me that even in their beds, my children can be murdered by someone they have never met.”
“I am afraid of hunger.”  “I am afraid of gangs.”
“I want my children to be fed.”  “I want my children to be safe.”
“I want peace.”  “I want freedom.”

Are we really so very different?  Surely there is still room in America for a conversation in which the hunter and the commuter can share their values and come to a mutual understanding about the meaning of the second amendment and the role of guns in modern America.

Thursday, November 11, 2010

Pro-life AND Pro-choice

Pro-life AND Pro-choice
According to the Huffington Post Sarah Palin, speaking in Dallas on November 10, described President Barack Obama as "the most pro-abortion president to occupy the White House." She then continued to attack the President for his support of abortion rights, which she saw as inherent in the terms of the federal health care reform. [Huffington Post, November 11, 2010],
As someone who is both pro-life and pro-choice, I think it is time for both sides to look beyond the name-calling at the implications of having the American Government adopt an official pro-life policy, particularly one in the form of a constitutional amendment.
The issue is not the populist dichotomy, which pits those who are anti-abortion against those who are pro-choice.  Rather the more significant issue is that of who gets to call the shots – the woman in whose body the unborn is being formed, or the government who will gain full control over her body.
That is to say that any form of government authority over abortion is not as simple as its advocates present.  Such authority would transfer complete control over a woman’s reproductive system to the government – in either direction.  While this appears to be self-evident, and desirable from the point of view of the pro-life advocates, what is overlooked is the fact that government control over the woman’s body is a two-edged sword.  Government protection of the unborn is offset by the fact that government is also in control of the unborn.
Consider the Chinese government’s limit of one child per family in order to control its rampant overpopulation.  A Chinese woman who conceives a second child is fair game for the official abortion mill since she is no longer in control of her own reproduction system.
In other words, once a society cedes the right to reproduction to its government – that government – can, and in many cases, has – used that right to limit reproduction and impose abortion, along with sterilization, on those it determines unworthy to reproduce. 
In Germany, during the Nazi hegemony, for example, the government rewarded married women who produced children for the Fatherland with stipends intended to support them at home as caregiving Mothers.  Although this might appear to be a progressive move, the same authority that rewarded the care-giving mothers was invoked by the Nazis to justify forced abortions for those it deemed of little or no value - which included not only Jews, but also Gypsies, Africans, the mentally or physically handicapped, or anyone the government regarded as ‘degenerate’ or of negative value to the Fatherland.
As recently as the 1930s, forced abortions and sterilizations were imposed on African-Americans in the fervor of the Eugenics movement in the United States.  Throughout the twentieth century, other victims of sterilization included epileptics, the deaf, mental patients, and criminals. The last such sterilization in the United States is reported to have taken place in Oregon in 1981.
Crusaders like Margaret Sanger were at least as interested in purifying the American race as they were in providing freedom for pregnant mothers. Sanger made her goals clear in speaking about the ‘rights’ of the handicapped, the mentally ill, and some racial minorities, which she saw as counter-productive to the goals of a pure society:

"More children from the fit, less from the unfit -- that is the chief aim of birth control" [and, one can infer, from abortion].  Cited in Birth Control Review, May 1919, p. 12

In this attitude she was not alone.  Marie Stopes a London paleobotanist was a prominent campaigner for eugenic policies.   Inspired by the movement, she opened the first family-planning clinic in London.   Ostensibly a movement to promote family planning and the reproductive rights of women, much of what she advocated was geared towards what Hitler would later invoke as “racial purity.”  Her definition of “unfit” ranged from near-sightedness to mental illness to racial and ethnic origin.  In 1920, she wrote in favor of the "sterilisation (sic) of those totally unfit for parenthood” which she insisted should “be made an immediate possibility, indeed made compulsory." Radiant Motherhood (1920). 
The advocates of the Eugenics movement were also firmly in the camp of compulsory abortions for those they considered less than ‘fit.’  Among these advocates were such prominent persons as H. G. Wells, Theodore Roosevelt, George Bernard Shaw, John Maynard Keynes, John Harvey Kellogg, Linus Pauling and Sidney Webb, who saw the hand of government in reproduction as a progressive next step in the quest for the ideal society.
Advocates of both sides of the abortion issue would be wise to examine the slippery slope situation attached to the giving of the power of the womb to government.   
Advocate against abortion if you will; fight for reproductive rights if that is your belief; but keep the government out of the discussion.  Even more important, advocate for adequate care, both medical and nutritional, and for affordable housing, education, and safety for both the mothers and the babies who result from your beliefs.



Sunday, September 12, 2010

Music, Protest, and Sanctity




Musician/composers whose music is so closely identified with the 1960s and 1970s, have done more with their lyrics to raise our consciousness about peace and mutual understanding than many of those more closely associated with holiness in the twentieth century.

Melanie, Country Joe, Woody Guthrie, Bob Dylan, Pete Seeger, Phil Ochs, Peter Paul & Mary, Crosby Stills & Nash, and so many others, became the poetic conscience of America in a time when bigotry and discrimination were the accepted standards for our society, when it was still considered just in some circles to “kill a Commie for Christ.”

Some were one-hit wonders; some looked scruffy and poor; some used the vernacular in their lyrics, to the consternation of those who wanted civility in entertainment. Others led personal lives that bordered on the dissolute. But their lyrics and their rhythms forced us to examine our collective conscience about war, segregation, oppression, our duty to the planet, and the myriad views we had accepted as normal.

In a time when the rhetoric of hate is once again being ratcheted up, not only in the media but also from the pulpit, it might be time for us to rethink the definition of sainthood.

As the vanguard of these folk- and protest singers begins to drop off, perhaps we could begin to acknowledge their goodness and the holiness of what they taught us, by redefining what it takes to be a saint